“经济衰退导致单一工业城镇在竞争中被大量淘汰，特别是在那些严重依赖工业或制造业经济的地区。” EIG联合创始人Steve Glickman说：“我们要问：他们的未来在哪里？然而我们却看到，只有很少一部分新公司能够担负起重拾地方经济的重任。”

As the internet took off in the 1990s, evangelists proclaimed that the businesses of the future could be anywhere–even in people’s bedrooms or basements. But the report shows that new firms tend to be congregated in fewer and fewer places. Between 2010 and 2014, New York, Miami, Los Angeles, Houston, and Dallas produced the same net increase in companies (births minus deaths) than the rest of the country put together. Half the country’s metro areas saw falls in companies numbers over the period.

随着互联网在九十年代腾飞，互联网的笃信者相信未来的公司可以在任何地方成立——甚至可以在人们的卧室或地下室。但报告显示，新公司的集中地越来越少，这些地区里新公司的密度越来越大。在2010年至2014年期间，纽约，atv，迈阿密，洛杉矶，休斯敦和达拉斯，新创公司的净增长率（出生数减去消亡数）是全国其他城市加起来的总和。

The economy is increasingly concentrated in the type of innovation it pursues. “The increase in patenting in the information technology and health sectors masks a steep decline in the innovation intensity of the rest of the economy,” the report says. Today, the U.S generates only two non-health and non-IT patents for every $1 billion in gross domestic product, compared to the 1980s when it was more than four. Less innovation, says the report, means less disruption, as older companies tend to be more risk-averse than new ones. And it could be a factor explaining why substantially fewer companies are coming to IPOthese days.

经济追求创新，资源因此集中在这一领域。报告说：“信息技术和卫生领域的专利申请数量的增加掩盖了经济中其他行业创新下降的事实。”如今，美国每10亿美元GDP只产生两项非健康和非IT专利，而在二十世纪八十年代，这个数字至少是四。报告还说，创新的减少意味着更少的分裂，因为老牌公司往往比新公司更厌恶风险。这就可以作为一个原因解释为什么如今上市的公司要比之前少得多。

In 2014, companies 16 years and older accounted for 74% of jobs in 2014, compared with 60% in 1992.

2014年，成立16年及以上的公司提供的工位在当年占74％，而1992年为60％。

In many industries, longer-running incumbent companies are increasingly powerful. Between 1997 and 2012, two-thirds of industries saw an increase in market concentration, measured by the sales going to top-four companies. Highly concentrated sectors include logistics, wireless communications, and book publishing, and the effect seems to be to limit employment opportunities. New businesses produce higher rates of job creation on a per dollar of wealth created basis than larger companies. In 2014, companies 16 years and older accounted for 74% of jobs in 2014, compared with 60% in 1992.

在许多行业，长期运营的公司越来越强大。在1997年至2012年间，从行业四名公司的销售额来看，三分之二的行业市场集中度有所上升。高度集中的行业包括物流、无线通信和图书出版，造成的结果是限制就业机会。新公司在同等基础上比大公司创造更多的就业机会。

Lettieri and Glickman want to see markets opened up to more vigorous rivalry. For example, we could do away with onerous occupational licensing requirements. Currently, you need a certificate from a regulatory authoritybefore you can sell flowers in Florida or become a cosmetologist in Minnesota (which probably stops people becoming either). Or we could stop companies from forcing employees into non-compete agreements, even for relatively low-skill work. These stop workers setting up their own firms, or moving to other companies. Or, we could support tax changes that encourage investment in struggling areas. The EIG is a strong advocate for the Investing in Opportunity Act, which proposes favorable tax treatment for investors putting money into distressed “opportunity zones,” and has supporters on both sides of Congress.

Lettieri和Glickman希望看到市场向更加激烈的竞争开放。例如，我们可以消除过于严苛的职业许可要求。目前，您需要获得监管机构的证书才能在佛罗里达州销售鲜花，或成为明尼苏达州的美容师（现有的条件下人们可能一样也做不成）。 或者我们可以阻止公司迫使员工签署非竞争协议，即使是对于那些对技能要求相对较低的工作，这些协议会促使工人放弃自建公司或跳槽。或者，我们可以支持在艰苦地区投资的税收改革。 EIG是“投资机会法案”的强力倡导者，该法案呼吁为不景气的“机会区”投资者提供优惠税收待遇，在国会双方都有一定的支持者。